In a wide-ranging conversation with the Times of India, Ram Madhav , senior RSS member, outlines the strategic reorientation India must undertake to navigate a changing global order. From foreign policy to technology, economic growth to ideological values, and the Northeast to dharmocracy, Madhav , who also heads the think tank India Foundation, reflects on India's opportunities and challenges in the coming decades.
In your new book, 'The New World: 21st Century Global Order and Bharat', you speak about a global churn. What is the biggest priority for India in this new world order?
Ram Madhav: There is a big churn happening globally. The world is heading towards a completely different order after seven decades of a certain kind of geopolitical atmosphere. When you're confronted with a new order, you must shed some of the old habits and practices. I often cite Mao's infamous Cultural Revolution — not to endorse it, but as a metaphor. You need to think afresh.
Historically, Indians have been very comfortable looking West — towards Europe and America. We do have strong ties with them. But a shift began with Narasimha Rao and taken further by Vajpayee through the Look East policy, which Modi upgraded to Act East. However, we still remain predominantly westward-facing. Meanwhile, the entire Eurasian region is in turmoil — the Ukraine-Russia conflict, Gaza-Israel tensions, and the Iran-Israel-US confrontation. These conflicts may end, but their impact will last for decades. In such a scenario, India must turn to its immediate and extended neighbourhood — Southeast Asia, ASEAN, and then the Global South, including Africa and Latin America.
What will drive national growth in this new environment?
Madhav: In the past, trade — especially in goods — powered national growth. Now, it will be technology. Prime Minister Modi has rightly focused on this with initiatives like the National Research Foundation and an emphasis on areas like quantum technology. But we still have a lot of ground to cover. Domestically, we must prioritise the economy over the next 20 years — something like what Bill Clinton famously said: “It’s the economy, stupid.”
Take China — between 1980 and 2000, it focused solely on economic growth. Deng Xiaoping even put communism on hold to prioritise economic development. India must aim for sustained 9–10% growth. The current 8% is good, but we must aspire for more.
What about defense manufacturing?
Madhav: That’s a massive opportunity. Everyone talks about India's weakness in manufacturing, and it's true. But manufacturing has saturated globally, defense manufacturing has huge potential. India itself is a major consumer of defense equipment. Given the current global war-like environment, every nation is ramping up its defense. This is a golden opportunity not just for ‘Make in India’ but ‘Make for the World’. That’s where we can become a manufacturing powerhouse.
You spoke of building “Brand Bharat.” What does that entail?
Madhav: In the outgoing world order — post-World War II — Western powers created institutions aligned with their interests and were able to set their agenda. But today, the West is no longer in a position to dictate the global agenda. If India doesn’t take a proactive role, others like China will. India must assert itself not just as an economic and technological power, but also ideologically.
Democracy is one such idea. The Chinese model offers economic freedom but not political freedom. Ours is different — full freedoms, rooted in pluralism, respect for sovereignty, patriotism, and sustainability. These are values India must articulate. Take yoga — that’s one idea we gave to the world. The last profound political idea from India was Gandhi’s non-violence. We must now think of the next idea. That’s what I mean by Brand Bharat.
You’ve also used the term ‘dharmocracy’. Can you explain that?
Madhav: Democracy, in its Western sense, often equates to majoritarianism — majority wins, period. In a dharmocracy, the majority may form a government, but governance must be through consensus. Gandhi’s idea of Ram Rajya was not a theocracy — it was a model where the weakest had as much power as the strongest. Deendayal Upadhyaya also said that elections are majoritarian, but governance must be consensus-driven. That’s the Indian model — dharmocracy.
Can foreign universities in India help promote Brand Bharat?
Madhav: Absolutely. Earlier, foreign dignitaries visiting India were taken to Qutub Minar or Red Fort — symbols of our subjugation. Today, they also visit temples, attend Ganga Aarti. That’s our civilizational identity. But we can build up on that. With nearly 100 foreign institutions now allowed to open campuses in India, they will engage with India from the inside. However, they will mostly teach Indian students. So our education system must consciously integrate Brand Bharat thinking.
RSS is entering its 100th year. What is the vision going forward?
Madhav: Formal centenary celebrations begin in October. The Sarsanghchalak will share the vision then. But as someone associated with RSS for decades, I can say this: it’s a unique organisation. In 100 years, there has been no split, no dissidence, no weakening — only growth. It's entirely voluntary. No one is paid. It’s run by those who see it as a duty.
Its openness, adaptability, and relevance in every era are its strengths. Whether during the 1962 war, the Emergency, or the Ram Janmabhoomi movement — RSS remained central to India’s national life. It is an organisation that deserves academic study in itself.
You have worked extensively in the Northeast. What explains the political shift there?
Madhav: I don’t believe in right-left binaries. But yes, the rise of BJP and nationalist sentiments in the Northeast, especially in the last 10 years, has brought emotional integration with the rest of India. Earlier, people there felt Delhi was another country. That has changed. Under PM Modi, every week a minister visited some state. This continuous engagement built a sense of belonging.
When we contested in Nagaland in 2017, even in remote villages, BJP flags were seen. We won 12 out of 20 seats we contested. Such change signals, besides representing BJP’s appeal, a deep emotional integration.
And RSS's role there?
Madhav: RSS has worked there under extremely difficult conditions. Cadres were kidnapped, tortured, even killed. Yet they went from across India — from Kerala, Maharashtra — to serve those areas, often with no knowledge of local languages or familiarity of food habits. Organisations like Vivekananda Kendra and Ramakrishna Mission played vital roles in tribal education and cultural pride.
Today, Arunachal Pradesh, for instance, communicates in Hindi. That wasn’t imposed — it evolved naturally due to years of engagement. That silent foundational work held the region together in its most fragile times.
In your new book, 'The New World: 21st Century Global Order and Bharat', you speak about a global churn. What is the biggest priority for India in this new world order?
Ram Madhav: There is a big churn happening globally. The world is heading towards a completely different order after seven decades of a certain kind of geopolitical atmosphere. When you're confronted with a new order, you must shed some of the old habits and practices. I often cite Mao's infamous Cultural Revolution — not to endorse it, but as a metaphor. You need to think afresh.
Historically, Indians have been very comfortable looking West — towards Europe and America. We do have strong ties with them. But a shift began with Narasimha Rao and taken further by Vajpayee through the Look East policy, which Modi upgraded to Act East. However, we still remain predominantly westward-facing. Meanwhile, the entire Eurasian region is in turmoil — the Ukraine-Russia conflict, Gaza-Israel tensions, and the Iran-Israel-US confrontation. These conflicts may end, but their impact will last for decades. In such a scenario, India must turn to its immediate and extended neighbourhood — Southeast Asia, ASEAN, and then the Global South, including Africa and Latin America.
What will drive national growth in this new environment?
Madhav: In the past, trade — especially in goods — powered national growth. Now, it will be technology. Prime Minister Modi has rightly focused on this with initiatives like the National Research Foundation and an emphasis on areas like quantum technology. But we still have a lot of ground to cover. Domestically, we must prioritise the economy over the next 20 years — something like what Bill Clinton famously said: “It’s the economy, stupid.”
Take China — between 1980 and 2000, it focused solely on economic growth. Deng Xiaoping even put communism on hold to prioritise economic development. India must aim for sustained 9–10% growth. The current 8% is good, but we must aspire for more.
What about defense manufacturing?
Madhav: That’s a massive opportunity. Everyone talks about India's weakness in manufacturing, and it's true. But manufacturing has saturated globally, defense manufacturing has huge potential. India itself is a major consumer of defense equipment. Given the current global war-like environment, every nation is ramping up its defense. This is a golden opportunity not just for ‘Make in India’ but ‘Make for the World’. That’s where we can become a manufacturing powerhouse.
You spoke of building “Brand Bharat.” What does that entail?
Madhav: In the outgoing world order — post-World War II — Western powers created institutions aligned with their interests and were able to set their agenda. But today, the West is no longer in a position to dictate the global agenda. If India doesn’t take a proactive role, others like China will. India must assert itself not just as an economic and technological power, but also ideologically.
Democracy is one such idea. The Chinese model offers economic freedom but not political freedom. Ours is different — full freedoms, rooted in pluralism, respect for sovereignty, patriotism, and sustainability. These are values India must articulate. Take yoga — that’s one idea we gave to the world. The last profound political idea from India was Gandhi’s non-violence. We must now think of the next idea. That’s what I mean by Brand Bharat.
You’ve also used the term ‘dharmocracy’. Can you explain that?
Madhav: Democracy, in its Western sense, often equates to majoritarianism — majority wins, period. In a dharmocracy, the majority may form a government, but governance must be through consensus. Gandhi’s idea of Ram Rajya was not a theocracy — it was a model where the weakest had as much power as the strongest. Deendayal Upadhyaya also said that elections are majoritarian, but governance must be consensus-driven. That’s the Indian model — dharmocracy.
Can foreign universities in India help promote Brand Bharat?
Madhav: Absolutely. Earlier, foreign dignitaries visiting India were taken to Qutub Minar or Red Fort — symbols of our subjugation. Today, they also visit temples, attend Ganga Aarti. That’s our civilizational identity. But we can build up on that. With nearly 100 foreign institutions now allowed to open campuses in India, they will engage with India from the inside. However, they will mostly teach Indian students. So our education system must consciously integrate Brand Bharat thinking.
RSS is entering its 100th year. What is the vision going forward?
Madhav: Formal centenary celebrations begin in October. The Sarsanghchalak will share the vision then. But as someone associated with RSS for decades, I can say this: it’s a unique organisation. In 100 years, there has been no split, no dissidence, no weakening — only growth. It's entirely voluntary. No one is paid. It’s run by those who see it as a duty.
Its openness, adaptability, and relevance in every era are its strengths. Whether during the 1962 war, the Emergency, or the Ram Janmabhoomi movement — RSS remained central to India’s national life. It is an organisation that deserves academic study in itself.
You have worked extensively in the Northeast. What explains the political shift there?
Madhav: I don’t believe in right-left binaries. But yes, the rise of BJP and nationalist sentiments in the Northeast, especially in the last 10 years, has brought emotional integration with the rest of India. Earlier, people there felt Delhi was another country. That has changed. Under PM Modi, every week a minister visited some state. This continuous engagement built a sense of belonging.
When we contested in Nagaland in 2017, even in remote villages, BJP flags were seen. We won 12 out of 20 seats we contested. Such change signals, besides representing BJP’s appeal, a deep emotional integration.
And RSS's role there?
Madhav: RSS has worked there under extremely difficult conditions. Cadres were kidnapped, tortured, even killed. Yet they went from across India — from Kerala, Maharashtra — to serve those areas, often with no knowledge of local languages or familiarity of food habits. Organisations like Vivekananda Kendra and Ramakrishna Mission played vital roles in tribal education and cultural pride.
Today, Arunachal Pradesh, for instance, communicates in Hindi. That wasn’t imposed — it evolved naturally due to years of engagement. That silent foundational work held the region together in its most fragile times.
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